Health related information and news from around the world.

Black tea such as English Breakfast, orange pekoe and Earl Grey all contain some caffeine (half as much as coffee). It has been found that they do contain some anti-oxidants. Green tea, which has not been fermented like black tea, contains double the amount of anti-oxidants and some caffeine.Herbal tea doesn’t contain any caffeine and has numerous active ingredients that assist digestion, the nerves, the lungs and the cleansing of the blood. Water can cause bloating so herbal tea is ideal to drink any time of the day as the pure herb softens the water and has healing properties for the body.Herbal teas can play an important role in preventative health. As a herbalist and naturopath, I have created a range of organic loose-leaf herbal teas. These special teas have a variety of benefits including assisting digestion, helping to soothe the nervous system, and assisting in carrying nutrients around the body and removing wastes from the blood stream.*107\258\8*

Of those who married, 31 per cent—the smallest percentage recorded—had extramarital coitus. All three homosexual-offender groups present percentages lower than those of other groups. The strong correlation between marital fidelity and homosexuality reflects simply the lesser interest and consequent lesser temptation. Nevertheless, one should not infer from this statement that these men were monogamous. The age-specific incidence of extramarital coitus with companions puts the homosexual offenders vs. adults in the middle of the rank-orders with roughly two fifths of them having had extramarital coitus in every age-period from twenty-one up to thirty-five. Between thirty-six and forty they number only one quarter, and in age-period 41-45 they rank lowest of all with 13 per cent. The age-specific incidence of extramarital coitus with prostitutes is startling. These homosexual offenders occupy third rank from ages twenty-one to thirty, when between one fifth and one quarter of them went to prostitutes, and attain first place with 29 per cent in age-period 31-35. Thereafter they occupy intermediate positions in the rank-orders while the other homosexual offenders are at the bottom with none of their members involved with prostitutes.

The small number of cases of individuals with extramarital coitus precludes statements as to the frequency of such activity.

The median individual with extramarital coitus had had a surprisingly large number of partners, exceeded by only the aggressors vs. minors. Evidently the small proportion of homosexual offenders vs. adults who married and broke the vows of fidelity carried into their extramarital activity a relative promiscuity more typical of homosexual life.

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By definition the incest offenders vs. adults must be older than most sex offenders, the median individual being forty-six at the time of the offense. The range extends from thirty-five into the early sixties.

Compared to the other incest offenders, fewer of these men were married and living with their wives (68 per cent as opposed to 85 to 87 per cent), and a correspondingly larger proportion (28 per cent) were separated, divorced, or widowed.

Of all the groups, more of the incest offenders vs. adults (12 per cent) had histories of neurosis or psychosis. No more than 2 per cent of the only other group of offenders with willing adult females as partners, the heterosexual offenders vs. adults, had a history of mental trouble.

The offenses were not accompanied by any unusual amount of drunkenness, and we have no record of any drug use being involved.

There were no copartners in the offenses; no wives were charged with being accomplices, although some could have been.

The offenses were all either premeditated (80 per cent, a moderate figure) or partly premeditated (20 per cent, a high figure); none were judged as opportunistic or committed while the father did not realize what he was doing. This does not imply calm and thoughtful planning, but merely that the father knew what was going on and could foresee the sexual outcome of his preliminary behavior.

As usual in such cases, the incest took place most often—in 96 per cent of the occasions—in the family residence. The average (median) daughter was 17.7 years old at the time; of the offense for which the father was convicted. The age distribution was thus: 60 per cent were sixteen to seventeen, 20 per cent were eighteen to nineteen, and another 20 per cent were twenty to twenty-five. None was older. The emphasis on die younger ages reflects the fact that the incestuous behavior began in most cases before the girl was sixteen. Girls of eighteen or over have, as a rule, some experience in deflecting or avoiding male sexual advances and are also old enough to leave home and take care of themselves. Girls under eighteen are less experienced and are usually economically helpless.

Since the females were of suitable age, it is no surprise to find that 91 per cent of the offenses were actual coitus. No other sex-offender group has so high a figure. In part this is due to definition: under the law, penetration must occur to constitute incest, and society is reluctant to prosecute a man’s activities with his acquiescent or willing adult daughter for anything less than coitus. The child or minor daughter should, in society’s eyes, be protected from any sort of sexual activity, but the degree of public concern weakens as the daughter becomes older until what was at one age a heinous offense becomes in adult years merely a salacious bit of scandal. At any rate, we have record of only two offenses that were not based on coitus.

On the basis of only half of our cases (the other half lacked relevant official data), the offender and the authorities agreed that in 58 per cent of the offenses the daughter was a voluntary participant, being either encouraging or passive. In 8 per cent of the cases both sources of information agreed that she resisted. In one quarter of the cases the man claimed that his daughter encouraged him or was passive, whereas the official record says she resisted him. In any event, the degree of cooperation is much higher in these offenses vs. adults than in any other incest offenses.

The incest offender runs two great risks, one being detection by his wife, and the second the risk of having his daughter inform on him in a moment of anger. We found that his wife complained to the authorities in about a third of the cases and the girl herself complained in about one fifth, the first figure being the lowest and the second figure being the highest among the incest groups. Another fifth was accounted for almost equally by friends or relatives and by police investigations aimed at other goals.

The incest offender vs. adults was most prone to deny his guilt: no less than 42 per cent did so to the authorities (the largest figure recorded) and 25 per cent denied their behavior to us (also the largest figure). To one unfamiliar with these offenders such a large number of denials would be; amazing considering how easy it would be for them to rationalize, giving as excuses the suitable age of the girl, the temptations of propinquity, the “sex education” excuse, seduction by the daughter, etc. But these offenders did not avail themselves of these mitigating factors as much as one would expect, simply because they are an inhibited, rather rigid, and sexually knotted-up group of men. Most of them simply could not confess either publicly or privately (or possibly even inwardly to themselves) to sexual misbehavior of any magnitude. Instead they often hid behind a facade of morality and injured innocence, a facade marred by the paranoid explanations that maintenance of innocence necessarily demanded. Generally the tale was that false charges were being brought to facilitate a divorce, or to get control of the man’s finances, or because he opposed his daughter in some way. Despite all this, it is interesting that more of these incest offenders than the other incest offenders made legal pleas of “guilty,” evidently realizing the futility of contradicting the testimony of an adult daughter.

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There is nothing in the rank-order of birth or in the presence or absence of siblings that clearly distinguishes the incest offenders vs. children, except that they had an extraordinarily large proportion of brothers, the ratio being 131.7 brothers per 100 sisters.

The incest offender vs. children is characterized by a poor relationship with his father at ages fourteen to seventeen; 43 per cent (the largest of any group) did not get along well with their fathers. However, another 39 per cent got along well, so that, all in all, these offenders had only one of the poorer paternal relationships.

Their maternal relationship was, compared with other groups, poor —only a few groups had a worse adjustment. One fifth of the incest offenders vs. children did not get along with their mothers; this was the fourth largest percentage. Sixty per cent got along well, but 60 per cent in this situation is a low figure, being third from the lowest. It is interesting to note that the most comparable group, the heterosexual offenders vs. children, had a distinctly better relationship with both parents.

As is obvious from the preceding percentages, the incest offenders vs. children got along better with their mothers than with their fathers. The number who preferred the mother is much greater than the number who got along equally well with both parents, which is also true of homosexual offenders, heterosexual aggressors, and exhibitionists. The incest offenders vs. children are the only group of heterosexual offenders who exhibit this maternal preference. The combination of incest with a young person and the youthful partiality for the mother suggests an Oedipal phenomenon that we are not equipped to analyze.

Some 59 per cent of the incest offenders vs. children came from broken homes, a relatively high percentage. While most of the breakups occurred when the subject was under age ten, a substantial number (one fifth) occurred at a later age. However, the home of the average (median) boy broke up when he was 7.2 years old—an age earning him a central location in that rank-order.

The incest offenders vs. children experienced more interparental friction than any other group. They not only reported the highest percentage (39 per cent) of parents who got along with one another badly, but the lowest percentage (36 per cent) who got along well. The family situation, in toto, seems to have been relatively miserable: poor adjustment to both parents who, in turn, did not get along well with one another. Of course, in over one half of the cases this unhappy situation was during a second marriage; we lack data on the family relationship during the first marriage, but it cannot have been a happy one since it was usually terminated by separation or divorce. To add to the marital problems, these families were financially worse off than the families of other groups; nearly half reported their parental economic status as poor or very poor.

As a partial consequence of the large percentage of individuals whose parental homes broke up, we find that relatively few incest offenders vs. children lived 15 or more years in a home with a husband and wife present. This is not wholly the product of a high divorce figure—some other groups with even greater percentages of broken homes exceed the incest offenders vs. children in the number of years spent with a husband and wife. It would seem that, possibly because there had been so much friction between them, the parents were loath to remarry soon, and waited longer than the parents of other types of sex offenders. In addition, after the original home broke up these children were transplanted more frequently than most, the average number of new living arrangements being nearly two.

We saw that the heterosexual aggressors vs. children, who also had unhappy home lives, seem to have turned in a compensatory way to children of their own ages. The same is true of the incest offenders vs.

children. At ages ten to eleven they had quite good socialization with their peers, especially with girls. In terms of percentage they had more girl companions than any group save the homosexual offenders. This social good fortune seems more typical of sex offenders against children than of sex offenders against older females, which is significant.

The ability to get along well with females is reflected, in the case of incest offenders vs. children, in their prepubescent sex play: in this they were next to the most active of any group (84 per cent). This play was primarily heterosexual, some 75 per cent having had heterosexual play (the second highest percentage of any group). Moreover, more of the incest offenders vs. children than any other class of offenders or control confined their activity to girls (36 per cent).

This emphasis on heterosexual behavior did not, however, result in any particular elaboration of sexual techniques. Insofar as mouth-genital contact and coitus are concerned the incest offenders vs. children do not stand out among other sex offenders, but all were more sophisticated in this respect than the members of the control group.

While primarily heterosexual, a fair percentage (48 per cent) had had homosexual experience before puberty, but very few had been exclusively homosexual. Their homosexual play was ordinarily confined to a single year, and their techniques were, in percentage terms, not unusual. In fact, fewer of the incest offenders vs. children indulged in mutual masturbation and anal coitus than did the control-group individuals.

One might expect that the future incest offenders vs. children would have experienced heterosexual activity with adults, especially relatives, but in fact they are average in this respect. In terms of physical contact with adult males, they are well below average—being third from last in rank-order. It is significant that in homosexual contact with adult males the incest offenders rank next to last, third from last, and fourth from last (the control group being last). While the percentages are very small, an equal number of incest offenders vs. children had sexual contact with adult females and with adult males.

The childhood health of the incest offender vs. children was in no way unusual; in fact, in an over-all rating the early health of this group was essentially the same as that for the control group.

A large percentage—over half—of the incest offenders vs. children masturbated before reaching puberty. This trait, coupled with their high incidence of prepubertal sex play, makes them one of the sexually most active groups of all in preadolescence. Their hypersexuality is in striking contrast to the other incest offenders, and can be explained only in part by their earlier pubescence (prepubertal sex play is correlated with early puberty).

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By the time they were interviewed, three quarters of the sample of aggressors vs. children had married—a high percentage, but not unusually high if one considers that the average married individual was forty-two years old. This average individual married when he was nearly twenty-two.

The aggressors vs. children are typified by multiple marriages: only 53 per cent (a rather low figure) of the ever-married had married once, whereas a third (by far the largest proportion recorded) had married three times or more. One must, however, recall that our sample is small: there were only 19 married aggressors vs. children. A large number of the broken marriages were brief; 26 per cent of the aggressors vs. children had one broken marriage which lasted two years or less, and 26 per cent had two or more such marriages, a figure exceeded by no other group. This brevity of marriage is all the more remarkable because these aggressors had the largest proportion of common-law marriages (nearly one third) of any group, and we did not count such a liaison as a marriage unless the two had lived together at least a full year.

In view of the brittleness of these marriages it comes as no surprise to find that the aggressors vs. children were prone to marry women whom they had known for a relatively short time. The average was three months; only one other group, the aggressors vs. minors, married on shorter notice. Haste and impulsiveness frequently go hand in hand and are not unexpected in aggressors who could not wait for their sexual gratification but resorted to violence and threat.

One third of the aggressors vs. children had coitus with their future brides. This is the lowest figure reported by any group and completely out of keeping with the other aggressors who rank first (86 per cent) and third (65 per cent) in this regard. Aside from the omnipresent possibility of vagary due to smallness of sample, only a few things suggest themselves as partial explanations. The premarital coitus of aggressors vs. children was strongly oriented toward prostitutes. Such emphasis on prostitution is common in groups whose members subscribe to the “good girl—bad girl” dichotomy: that you have sex with bad girls but marry virgins. Such a philosophy tends to diminish coitus with fianc?es. Some 17 per cent, the fourth largest percentage, of the aggressors vs. children strongly desired a virginal wife, and undoubtedly a larger number had similar but less positive feelings.

None of the brides of the 19 married aggressors vs. children were pregnant at the time of marriage. In retrospect this fact seems almost an omen since these men produced very few children—to be precise, 13 children per ten aggressors. Their marital infertility is, of course, related to the breakup and the brevity of their marriages.

The aggressors vs. children, unlike other aggressors, were apt to devote little time to foreplay in their marital coitus. Over half (the second largest proportion in any group) averaged three minutes or less. This may reflect the same inability to wait, to defer pleasure, that we suggested in the discussion of their brief courtships.

The role of mouth-genital contact in the foreplay is most interesting. One will recall that in premarital life a large number of the aggressors vs. children had experience in mouth-genital contact, and that the experience tended to consist chiefly of the female’s placing her mouth on the male genitalia, and only rarely the reverse. We hypothesized that the aggressors vs. children looked upon mouth-genital contact as something desirable if done to one, but degrading if done by oneself. This hypothesis may explain what we now see in marriage: very few aggressors vs. children (only 26 per cent, the third smallest proportion) had any sort of mouth-genital contact with their wives. The desire to be fellated, which shows up so strongly before or outside of marriage, is nearly invisible within marriage—only 21 per cent (the fifth smallest percentage) had been fellated by their wives.

The sexual conservatism exhibited by the aggressors vs. children with reference to the women they marry (i.e., little premarital coitus with fianc?es, little mouth-genital contact) is once more seen in coital techniques. Over a quarter (the third largest proportion) had never used any but the “standard” position in marital coitus, and not one had had anal coitus. One has the general impression that this group looked upon all sexual voluptuousness (e.g., long foreplay, mouth-genital contact, and varied coital techniques) as sinful and unbecoming in a marital relationship, although quite desirable in a relationship with “bad” women.

Too few married aggressors vs. children are in our sample to permit any meaningful calculation of marital coitus frequencies in the several five-year age-periods.

However unsatisfactory other aspects of their marriages may have been, and despite their limited foreplay and techniques, it seems that their wives reached orgasm in coitus more often than the wives of most other men. During three quarters of their married lives they achieved orgasm nine out of ten times or more; the wives of only two other groups (note one is the aggressor vs. minor group) did better. The reader is reminded that all this is based upon the reports of the husbands; the wives, being ordinarily unavailable, were rarely interviewed. There always remains the possibility or even probability of male delusion born of pride or vanity. The males themselves gave a rather unfavorable report of their marital happiness; by and large, the aggressors vs. children show a definite tendency toward unhappy marriages.

Sixty-eight per cent of the aggressors vs. children had had, while married, coitus with females other than their wives. This is 20 percentage points more than the figure reported by the control group, and puts them in the fifth rank, a position in keeping with their above-average coital record. All the heterosexual aggressors fall within the first five ranks of those with extramarital coital experience.

There were too few separated, divorced, or widowed individuals to permit calculation of postmarital statistics.

*80\161\2*

The pedophiles are the commonest variety and constitute from perhaps one quarter to one third of the offenders vs. children. This prevalence is no surprise: a sexual interest in children (or a broad age tolerance for sexual partners) probably underlies the offense behavior of most of the varieties. The term “pedophile” is somewhat unfortunate since these men evidently did not consciously prefer children as sexual partners, but simply found them acceptable. In about half of the cases some degree of sociosexual deprivation existed at the time of tire offense, which may have triggered the behavior. Of course, sociosexual deprivation is a chronic condition with most men; at least it is uncommon to find a man who claims he has all the sociosexual contact he wants. Consequently, the finding concerning the pedophiles is significant only in comparison with the other varieties of offenders vs. children. While with some people sociosexual deprivation stems from shyness and feelings of inferiority and insecurity, such internal handicaps were rather uncommon in those pedophiles who were interested in children per se and who did not turn to them only after attempts to contact adult females had failed. Indeed, not a few pedophiles had quite adequate sexual relationships (in terms of frequency) with women at the time of offense.

In the small number of instances where any deep affection existed between the offender and the child, the former was usually a pedophile, but even among pedophiles affectionate relationships were uncommon. This lack is to be expected, considering the necessarily different interests and outlooks of adults and children, and the fact that even physical intimacy is difficult and dangerous to repeat and maintain if the child and adult are unrelated. Lastly, the usual male promiscuity plus the transitory interest of the child make for temporary rather than long-term relationships.

Of all the varieties, the pedophiles had the longest records of interest in and sexual activity with children. Of all offenders vs. children whose interest and/or activity covered 20 or more years, nine out of ten were pedophiles. Of those with a ten- to 19-year span, two thirds were pedophiles. Such lengthy durations were not unusual among offenders vs. children: between one third and two fifths of them had records of ten or more years. It is evident that a reasonably prudent pedophile can indulge in his predilection for years before the human law and the law of averages catch up with him. In fact, our most extensive pedophile, who had sexual contact with hundreds of little girls and boys, died in his sixties with never an arrest and only a few “close calls” in his case history.

One pedophile, who was also sociosexually underdeveloped, had a case history which affords a simple story of the genesis of his pedophilia. As a child he had gratifying prepubertal sex play with girls, but in early postpubertal life he found his female peers had become much more difficult to deal with. The days of unashamed mutual exploration and play were ended, the girls were now aware of social demands, and had something of an adult attitude toward sex. The boy felt awkward and embarrassed with girls his own age, a typical early teen-age situation, but unlike the typical teenager he responded by reverting to females of prepubertal age. This led to his first arrest, and when news of this spread through his high school his stunted heterosexual life with girls of his own years was blighted still more, which served to engender more pedophilic activity. His first coitus with an adult came at age eighteen when an aggressive married woman seduced him. The experience was not particularly enjoyable and was marred by fear at the time and guilt later. His feelings of inferiority and shyness were exacerbated. Since his teens he had been almost wholly attracted by prepubescent girls, and viewed women with disinterest or apprehension. He stated, “I just can’t help it… I can’t control myself.” His pedophilic activity was confined to petting during which he did not ejaculate; instead he would go home and masturbate. The petting was emotionally satisfying. As an adult on parole, he attempted to follow the prison psychologists’ advice and establish a relationship with women. His first attempt was evidently so clumsy and uninspired that the woman refused a date saying, “I don’t go out with queers.” This had a crushing effect upon his morale and he turned again to children who were more likely to accept him.

*37\161\2*

…the mood is sombre and controlled.

When a large amount of black is mixed into colour, dark colours are created. For example, dark blue, navy, dark green_ deep red, burgundy, dark brown, deep purple, deep russet, black and charcoal. Dark colours suggest control, steadiness and conservativism in intimacy. If your bedroom is dark, you are probably a refined and dignified person who likes to be in control of all experiences in your life, including your sexual experiences. Your bedroom may be luxurious, expensive, or dramatic and stimulating, yet the atmosphere will always be subdued and controlling. If you are financially very successful in business and used to being in control, you could veil choose dark colours for the bedroom. You like to have control in every area of your life.

Combining dark colours with other colours will make quite a statement. If there is no lightening effect you will have created an oppressive atmosphere. Try combining darker colours with pastels, to create a softer and less controlling feeling. Adding pale pink, for instance, to a dark blue, dark green or burgundy coloured bedroom will create a softer, more loving and nurturing environment, both for the inner self and the relationship. Many people combine beige, cream, ivory or white with dark colours as a safe way to soften the look, but all this does is tone down the controlling elements of the dark colours. It does not add the loving elements.

Key words: controlling, steady, serious, subdued, conservative, dignified.

*52\74\8*

Is your bedroom a refuge from the hectic outside world, a place where you can escape from the children? Is it a place you love to go to recharge your batteries? If it isn’t, perhaps you need to look at your own needs, and create a space there which is inspiring and relaxing for you to retire to whenever you feel the need. Make it an oasis of peace, pleasure and calm for yourself or with your partner. If you have negative feelings about your bedroom, look closely at your life and examine the intimate and sexual aspects of it. Are there issues in this area that you need to sort out, or past events you need to discard, or repressed emotions you need to deal with? Believe it or not, redecorating the bedroom, a little or a lot, will bring these issues to a head and help to clear the energy. This is healthy.

If you cannot change the bedroom at least change the colour of the towels in your ensuite bathroom leading from the bedroom. If you don’t have an ensuite, then look at your family bathroom. The bathroom is an emotional extension of you, so even a move as small as differently coloured towels can influence your mood.

Making even small colour changes in your bedroom can indicate your changing emotional needs. If you find yourself needing to put white flowers or white sheets into the bedroom you are really seeking new beginnings in your life, or within your current relationship. Pink sheets may indicate that you are in need of some tender loving care. Adding green touches may suggest a need for relaxation and rejuvenation. If an overactive sex life is leaving you exhausted, add some green to the room to create more balance – maybe a plant. If blue is involved in your changes, you may be looking to create a calming respite from a hectic lifestyle.

You have identified the colour choice you have made in your bedroom and its psychological subconscious impact, so what next? You can:

* acknowledge and muse on where you are up to in your sexual life

* change a few items of colour to change your relationships « do nothing and enjoy what you have

* decide to explore your heart and needs and discuss your unhappiness with your partner

* if you live alone, create the bedroom you’d love to have, one which will give you great pleasure and satisfaction

We all move through different colour stages in our lives because of different circumstances, emotions and relationships. None of these is ‘right’ or ‘wrong’. They just are.

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There are two types of Dramatic bedrooms:

1. The extreme Dramatic makes a statement with every item in the room. This can be intimidating and only the most Dramatic of people could live with it for any length of time. Relaxation and sleeping don’t come easily in a bedroom like this.

2. The subtle Dramatic, which is a toned down version, has a few items in the room making a statement, but overall it is not as intimidating. You can recognise the subtle type because of the use of red or black somewhere in the colour scheme without them dominating. If not red or black, there is strong contrast in the colour combination.

The female Dramatic bedroom has much creative flair to it. Animal prints, or bold bright combinations of colours such as black, red and gold are used. There is always something eyecatching in the room, whether it be in the design on the doona, an object on display, or the colour combination itself. The female bedroom is often more subtle than the male Dramatics bedroom, though it will still have a very confident air. Something shiny, burnished, highly polished or with a shimmer could well be a feature too. Lacy black underwear or lingerie could be on display, with feather boas adding another Dramatic touch.

The female Dramatic bedroom could be intimidating to a male suitor. He may be wondering if whips or bondage are part of the activities! Keep the door to your bedroom closed until the new man gets to know you. Then your bedroom may well excite him.

The male Dramatic bedroom has strong contrasting colours, such as black, red and white, or animal prints which ‘bring out the animal in them’. The lines are usually angular and geometric. The room will be extreme in colour and design. These men are confident, bold and dominant. They like to be noticed and are often exhibitionists. This will be evident in their sexual style as well.

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The decoration on the wall behind your bed symbolises your life as you sleep. It has a subliminal effect on you. It states who you are, what is important to you and your goals in life. What is the significance of the decoration/painting/print hovering above you?

When you choose a plain wall with no embellishments (disregard the bed head) you are uncomplicated, controlled and serious. Nothing unnecessary for you. On the other hand, a mosquito net, whether small or large, hung above the bed, is very romantic. Placing a large mirror on the wall behind the bed (or on the ceiling) is sensual and erotic and A MOSQUITO NET, certainly an invitation to look at yourself.

Moving completely away from the self-fascinated is the person who places the bed under a window with uninterrupted views to the outside. What an adventure-loving, outgoing, down-to-earth person. A practical person may place the bed under a window with only a view of the wall next door. After all, the bed is for sleeping and sex. Life is reality and if your bedroom doesn’t have a wonderful view, it’s nothing to get upset about.

Perhaps you have a painting of a beautiful nude or something erotic and sexually stimulating on that wall behind your head? Sensuality and sexuality are obviously abiding passions for you awake and asleep. Many people hang a favourite painting on the wall behind the bed. A happy picture of flowers suggests an optimistic outlook. A scene talks to you about dreams and desires. What are your dreams and desires?

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